Nigel Farage announces bombshell deportation plan for Afghan and Palestinian migrants.TA
Nigel Farage will announce hardline migration plans next week.

Nigel Farage announces bombshell deportation plan for Afghan and Palestinian migrants (Image: Getty)
Reform UK said it will deport anyone who arrived under Shabana Mahmood’s refugee resettlement scheme if the party is elected. Nigel Farage, the leader of Reform UK, said he will “immediately end” the scheme when he announces the policy next Monday, along with several other immigration plans. The Home Secretary reopened the UK Resettlement Scheme for new referrals on September 28, to provide “genuine refugees a safe and legal route to the UK”. Around a quarter of referrals will be for Afghan women and girls and Palestinian refugees, fleeing war and persecution, Labour said.
However, speaking to The Telegraph ahead of his speech, Mr Farage said: “Britain is not obligated to take in more migrants, and under a Reform government, these people will not be able to stay.” His severe plans will also revoke residents’ right to remain if they are not considered to be in danger in their home country.
Nations from across the world would be affected. Migration Observatory estimates suggest between 622,000 and 820,000 non-EU citizens had settlement status at the end of 2024, which did not include the approximately 4million EU citizens who were living in the UK before January 2021, and hold settled or pre-settled status.
Mr Farage will also announce a review of Britain’s Afghan resettlement schemes and pledge to publish their costs next week. This was designed to resettle Afghan citizens who worked for or with the UK Government in exposed roles, as well as vulnerable individuals.
Reform has also escalated plans first announced in February for Pakistan, Afghanistan, Syria, Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia. Mr Farage said Reform would impose tariffs on the countries if they refused to take back illegal immigrants and foreign criminals residing in the UK, speaking to The Times.
The party originally planned to impose strict visa bans for people legally seeking to visit the UK from these countries. Reform said it believes that tariffs may be more effective. The proposed list includes several of the countries with the largest numbers of asylum seekers in the UK in recent years.

Reform has plummeted in popularity after controversy surrounding its funding (Image: Getty)
The party will also conduct an audit of migration figures and publish a detailed breakdown of the number of people who have arrived in Britain since 2010, by nationality and route of entry.
Channel crossings have fallen this year. They reached a peak of around 46,000 in 2022. In the year ending June 2026, the number of detected arrivals fell to around 33,000.
Support for Reform has plummeted amid controversy over the party’s funding and a recovery in Labour’s popularity thanks to Andy Burnham’s arrival at Number 10. The party has fallen to second place in most polls, its lowest rating since December 2024.
Terror arrests increase by over 1,000% in last year as Home Office reveals nearly 4,000 detained
Terror arrests have skyrocketed by more than 1,000 per cent in the past year as the Home Office has revealed almost 4,000 people were detained.
There were 3,867 arrests for terrorism-related activity in the year ending June 2026, latest figures showed.
Some 94 per cent of the arrests were connected to backing Palestine Action after the group was proscribed as a terror organisation on July 5 last year.
Today’s figures are a whopping 1,525 per cent higher than the historical 10-year median of 238 arrests.
Some 46 individuals aged 17 and under were arrested for terrorism-related activity within the same period.
These figures are the second highest volume since records began in 2001, the Government confirmed.
The highest volume on record was 54 in the year ending September 2025.
Between April and June 2026, police made 810 arrests related to terrorism, jumping some 1,185 per cent from the previous quarter between January and March (63).
Of the total arrests for the year, 704 were charged, 89 were released without charge, 16 had alternative action and 11 had a decision pending.
Meanwhile, 3,047 were released on bail to return and released under investigation of the 704 individuals charged.
The remaining 683 were charged under terrorism‑related legislation.
The surge in arrests has come in the same timeframe as the Government proscribing Palestine Action as a terror organisation.
Almost a year after Labour imposed a ban on Palestine Action, judges upheld the same ban back in June, triggering a wave of arrests.
Soon after the Court of Appeal’s ruling, the Metropolitan Police confirmed that arrests were “underway” outside the Royal Courts of Justice.
Outside the building, a gaggle of protesters brandished pro-Palestine Action placards, a number of whom have now been detained by officers.
Some of those supporting the proscribed organisation yelled “shame” and “you’re complicit” at police officers.
Others held signs reading: “I support Palestine Action.”
Last week, Palestine Action protesters flocked to Liverpool to stage a demonstration outside Labour Conference in Liverpool.
More than 80 of the group’s supporters were arrested outside the annual gatherin of senior MPs, ministers and leading Westminster figures.
After assembling in the city centre, with some brandishing material backing Palestine Action, officers arrested 82 people on suspicion of wearing or carrying an article supporting a proscribed organisation.
Terror Arrests Increase by More Than 1,000% in a Year as Home Office Reveals Nearly 4,000 Detained
Britain’s latest counter-terrorism figures have revealed an extraordinary increase in arrests for terrorism-related activity, prompting renewed debate over national security, protest rights and the way the government applies its terrorism legislation.
Home Office statistics published in October 2026 recorded 3,867 arrests for terrorism-related activity in Great Britain during the year ending June 2026. That represents a rise of 1,553 per cent compared with the previous year, when 234 arrests were recorded.
The headline figure is striking, but the details behind the increase are essential to understanding what it means. The vast majority of arrests were linked to support for Palestine Action, which was proscribed under the Terrorism Act 2000 on 5 July 2025. Of the 3,867 arrests, 3,630—or approximately 94 per cent—were associated with the group.
This distinction matters. The figures do not indicate that conventional terrorist plots or violent extremist activity increased by more than 1,000 per cent. Instead, they reflect a dramatic change in the number of arrests following the government’s decision to classify Palestine Action as a proscribed organisation.
The statistics nevertheless raise important questions about the reach of Britain’s counter-terrorism laws, the use of police powers and the balance between protecting national security and safeguarding the right to peaceful protest.
What the Home Office figures show
The latest data cover the 12 months to the end of June 2026. They show that 3,867 people were arrested for terrorism-related activity, compared with just 234 during the preceding year.
Of those arrested, 3,630 cases were linked to support for Palestine Action. The remaining 237 arrests were associated with other forms of terrorism-related activity.
The figures also reveal that 704 people—around 18 per cent of those arrested—had been charged at the time the data were compiled. Most of the remaining individuals had been released on bail or under investigation, while some cases had other outcomes or were awaiting a decision.
That means an arrest should not be confused with a finding of guilt. The figures measure police activity, not the number of people ultimately convicted of terrorism offences.
The distinction is particularly important when statistics cover a large number of arrests arising from demonstrations and protest activity. Some investigations may lead to charges and convictions, while others may end without further action.
The Home Office also reported that 46 people aged 17 or younger were arrested for terrorism-related activity during the year. That was the second-highest figure for this age group since records began in 2001, although the composition of arrests changed significantly because of the Palestine Action cases.
These numbers provide a snapshot of how counter-terrorism powers have been used. They do not, by themselves, measure the overall threat posed by terrorist violence.
Why Palestine Action dominates the statistics
The principal reason for the increase is the proscription of Palestine Action in July 2025.
The group is associated with direct-action protests against companies and institutions that campaigners accuse of supporting Israel’s military operations. Its activities have included entering sites and damaging property as part of campaigns against organisations linked to defence production.
The government argued that the group’s activities justified proscription under terrorism legislation. The designation made membership of the organisation and certain forms of support for it criminal offences, subject to the relevant statutory provisions and legal requirements.
Following the ban, police arrested large numbers of people during demonstrations involving placards or other expressions of support for the group. Those arrests became the main driver of the record annual total.
Supporters of the government’s decision argue that proscription gives law enforcement additional powers to address serious threats and activities that authorities believe pose risks to public safety. They contend that the law must be enforceable once an organisation has been formally banned.
Critics, however, argue that using terrorism legislation in the context of protest raises serious concerns about civil liberties. They question whether the resulting arrests reflect a growing threat of terrorism or an expansion in the circumstances under which people can be detained.
The figures have intensified that disagreement because they demonstrate how one legal decision can transform the national arrest statistics.
Arrests do not automatically mean more terrorist plots
One of the most important lessons from the data is that the number of terrorism-related arrests must be interpreted carefully.
An increase in arrests can result from several factors: a rise in genuine security threats, changes in legislation, a new enforcement strategy or the classification of previously different activities under a particular legal framework.
In this case, the Home Office explicitly attributes the overwhelming majority of the increase to arrests connected with Palestine Action.
That means the headline percentage cannot reasonably be used as proof that Britain experienced a comparable increase in planned terrorist attacks. The statistics cover suspected terrorism-related activity under a range of legal provisions, including some arrests made under legislation that is not itself part of the Terrorism Act.
To assess the threat from terrorism more broadly, analysts would need to consider other indicators, including investigations into planned attacks, prosecutions, convictions, intelligence assessments and evidence of violent extremist activity.
The distinction is not an argument for dismissing the figures. It is necessary to understand what they actually measure.
A government may legitimately enforce a law while still facing questions about whether that law is appropriately framed, proportionate and consistent with fundamental rights.
National security versus freedom of protest
The sharp increase has placed the relationship between national security and freedom of expression under renewed scrutiny.
In a democratic society, people must be able to criticise government policy, organise demonstrations and campaign against military action. Peaceful protest is an established part of political life, including when the views being expressed are controversial or unpopular.
At the same time, freedom of protest does not provide blanket immunity from criminal law. Violence, serious property damage and other unlawful activities may be subject to prosecution, and the government has a responsibility to address genuine threats to public safety.
The difficult question is whether counter-terrorism legislation is being applied in a way that remains proportionate to the conduct involved.
Critics of the Palestine Action ban argue that the scale of arrests risks blurring the distinction between violent activity and peaceful expressions of support. Government supporters counter that the legal consequences of supporting a proscribed organisation must be taken seriously.
Resolving this dispute requires examining the wording of the law, the evidence in individual cases and the decisions made by police and prosecutors. Neither the number of arrests nor the political identity of those arrested can independently settle the question.
The government’s approach will continue to face scrutiny from civil-liberties organisations, legal experts and parliamentarians concerned about the scope of counter-terrorism powers.
The wider security picture
Although Palestine Action accounts for most of the recent increase, the Home Office figures also include arrests connected with other suspected terrorist activity.
Counter-terrorism agencies continue to investigate threats associated with Islamist extremism, extreme right-wing movements and other ideological motivations. These threats differ in their organisation, objectives and methods, requiring authorities to adapt their investigative approaches.
The government’s wider security responsibilities include identifying individuals preparing violent attacks, disrupting recruitment and financing networks, and responding to online material that may facilitate terrorism.
The latest statistics also show that the number of people held in custody for terrorism and terrorism-connected offences reached 275 at the end of June 2026, the highest level since comparable records began. Of those prisoners, 57 per cent were categorised as holding Islamist-extremist views, 29 per cent as holding extreme right-wing views and 14 per cent as belonging to other ideological categories.
These figures concern people in custody for terrorism-related offences, a different population from those arrested during the year. They should not be confused with the 3,867 arrest total.
Taken together, the data illustrate why it is necessary to distinguish between the number of arrests, the number of people charged, the number of convictions and assessments of the overall security threat.
What happens next?
The government faces two connected responsibilities: enforcing the law and ensuring that counter-terrorism powers are used in a way that maintains public confidence.
Police must investigate suspected offences based on the relevant legal framework and available evidence. Prosecutors must assess whether cases meet the applicable charging standards, while courts determine guilt where proceedings are brought.
The government should also explain how it evaluates the effectiveness of its approach. If a dramatic increase in arrests is largely driven by a new legal designation, the public needs clear information about the offences involved, the outcomes of investigations and the resources being devoted to genuine security threats.
Parliament has a role in examining whether the legislation is achieving its intended objectives and whether safeguards are sufficient to protect lawful political activity.
For those arrested, the distinction between accusation and guilt remains fundamental. An arrest is an investigative step, not proof that an individual planned or committed a terrorist attack.
A record figure with a complicated explanation
The latest Home Office statistics present a remarkable headline: terrorism-related arrests in Great Britain rose from 234 to 3,867 in a single year. But the explanation lies largely in the consequences of the Palestine Action proscription rather than evidence of a comparable increase in terrorist plots.
That distinction should shape the public debate. National security remains a serious responsibility, and authorities must have the tools to investigate genuine threats. Equally, counter-terrorism powers must operate within the law and be subject to appropriate scrutiny.
The figures raise questions about how Britain defines and enforces terrorism-related offences, how protest activity is treated under that framework and how effectively the system distinguishes between different forms of conduct.
Ultimately, the measure of an effective counter-terrorism strategy is not simply how many people are arrested. It is whether the law helps prevent serious harm, whether investigations produce appropriate outcomes and whether public safety can be protected without undermining the fundamental rights that democratic institutions are expected to uphold.

